Thailand is polarised by nationalism

[dr dave soul monsta]

Thaksin Shinawatra's decision to bow out from the premiership seems to have eased the political deadlock for now, with the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) preparing to cease street protests and the opposition parties to participate in fresh elections, but the deep polarisation in local politics signals that the current crisis remains far from over.

The nature of Thai politics and how members of society react to various political factions will from now on be more divisive, inimical and intolerant.

At first glance, Thailand's political impasse may seem a simple power struggle within the political domain. Looking closely, however, this battle cannot be construed as a mere power clash. When Thaksin and his opponents embarked on months of conflict in a war of competing street demonstrations, they consistently employed national symbols and identities to justify their existence, actions and objectives. Both sides claimed to hold tightly to certain national representations and began accusing each another of being un-Thai, disloyal to Thainess and thus excluded from the national community.

It is all about the clash of internal nationalism that emerged from intense conflict between Thaksin and the anti-Thaksin forces. Since nationalism and its components, such as identities and symbols, are brought into existence by comparison and contrast, each camp attempted to prove that its political principles were more natural to the Thai social fabric than were those of its opponents.

Since assuming the premiership in 2001, Thaksin has been extolled as one of the most prolific promoters of Thai nationalism in modern history. He connected socio-economic programmes of Thai nationalism with government policies and toasted himself as a champion of the Thai nation. Of his many government schemes, the One Tambon One Product programme represented a strong sense of economic nationalism designed to exhort Thais to support indigenous products by buying and selling Thai.

In 2003 Thaksin declared war on drugs, which were described as a national threat. As a result, more than 2,000 suspects were brutally executed. To outsiders it was a case of human-rights violation. Domestically, however, Thaksin was a national hero who fought against what was believed to be extrinsic to Thai characteristics.

Even during the present crisis, Thaksin stood firm on his love for the nation. In contesting the street opposition, Thaksin exercised the force of nationalism through a promotion of democratic values. As one political analyst said, "For Thaksin, the will of the majority is supreme. Elections are the method through which that majority shows itself." In this process, democracy was incorporated in the concept of Thainess. This allowed Thaksin and Thai Rak Thai to trumpet their legitimacy, both in the political sphere and in accordance with the Thai norm of democracy.

Meanwhile Thaksin condemned his opponents for not acting Thai, for their conspiracy to topple a democratic government. He referred to the rise of mob rule as an alien culture, then proclaimed his sphere of influence in the populous North and Northeast, which have the most seats in Parliament and where his supporters turned out in large numbers to assure his victory. Winning almost 60 per cent of the vote in Sunday's election, Thaksin maintained that he truly represented the Thai voice but failed to acknowledge the downside of his tactics, which widened the political fault lines further.

In the opposition camp, nationalism was equally exploited for purposes of power. Striking back in the name of democracy, the PAD enshrined the Thai values of transparency, anti-corruption, anti-cronyism, freedom of speech and respect for human rights, all of which Thaksin was accused of lacking respect for. Through this lens, the Thaksin regime was authoritarian, which is believed foreign to the national identity.

PAD reference to Thai symbols was predominant and proved effective. The anti-Thaksin street protesters came up with the slogan "Rescue the Nation", which would normally convey the meaning of a loss of independence. Yellow T-shirts bearing the slogan "We fight for the King" reflected an asseveration of being Thai, because the monarchy is forever associated with national identity. The anti-Thaksin Dharma Army of the Buddhist sect Santi Asoke added another tint of Thainess, since Buddhism is another facet of Thai nationhood.

The ultimate weapon employed to debunk Thaksin's brand of Thai nationalism was an allegation that he was a traitor, following the sale of a portion of Shin Corp shares to Singapore's Temasek Holdings. The deal was perceived not only as illegitimate in regulatory terms but also as detrimental to a nation whose citizens are apprehensive of being colonised, albeit psychologically, by foreign powers.

Presented here are two different brands of Thai nationalism. The emerging question is how Thais channel their loyalty. Has the concept of a Thai nationalism that assigns a place for a unified people ever existed in the minds of Thai leaders' In fact the elasticity of Thai nationalism is exactly a reflection of the uniqueness of Thais, whom I call "a nationless people".

What Thaksin meant by nationalism amounts to his own interpretation of the rule of law and to support from those of his power bases that have enjoyed the benefits of "Thaksinomics". The PAD and the opposition parties, however, see their nationalism as a device for chucking out the new-money networks by linking up with the old institutions.

On his final day at work, Thaksin said: "It's not that I'm not willing to fight, but when I fight, the nation loses. I don't want to see bloodshed between Thais. Thai blood must not paint the land of Thailand." Not long before that, Democrat Party leaders were attacked and pelted with chairs by Thai Rak Thai supporters while campaigning in Chiang Mai.

The ongoing crisis, therefore, has an unseen aspect that may cause long-term damage to Thai society. Nationalism is capable of arousing human sentiments to act unnaturally and sometimes irrationally. Handling it without caution, as we are witnessing now on the local political scene, can tear apart national unity and further separate Thais from reality.

( The Nation )